David Seaton's Energy Links®

"The Stone Age came to an end not for a lack of stones and the oil age will end, but not for a lack of oil.'' 

Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani


 

Table of Contents
Editorial
*Iraq's oil industry a long way from recovery - Reuters
*Energy gap: Crisis for humanity? - BBC News
*Rising Oil Prices Skirt Poorer Nations - Asian Tribune
*Saudi visit underscores China's growing dependence on Mideast oil - San Jose Mercury
*Oil Wealth in Niger Delta Triggers More Tension - Voice of America
*Oil production fears fuel grim economic warnings - The New Zealand Herald
*Iraq's Oil Bust - Newsweek


David Seaton's Energy Links® Iran’s other ‘bomb’ There is a great hurry to prevent Iran from having atomic weapons, but several American officials, when promised anonymity, were quoted in the New York Times as saying they thought that it would be 5 or 10 years, before Iran had an atomic bomb.  Dr. Jeffrey Lewis, of the Center for International and Security Studies at the University of Maryland states, “Iran is probably a little less than a decade away from developing a nuclear weapon.” Phillip Bowring, foreign affairs analyst of the International Herald Tribune comments, “By exaggerating the importance of Iran's nuclear developments, the West is showing up the waning of its power in that region, despite the presence of some 200,000 allied troops in Iraq and Afghanistan.” Why the rush?

In November there will be congressional elections in the USA, Iraq: corruption and Bush’s illegal wiretaps are hurting the Republican’s chances. If Republicans lost control of the congress Bush could stand a serious chance of being impeached. However the politically all important economy is working reasonably well for those Americans that actually vote, so it is imperative for Bush that no economic disasters occur before the elections. In March, in Iran, such a possible disaster looms. Iran’s little publicized plans to open a euro-based oil market could send the massively overvalued dollar spinning off the road and even lead to a depression. What United Press International’s analyst Martin Walker calls “Iran’s really big weapon”. A weapon he says “could be a far more profoundly punishing blow to American interests than Iran's ability to manufacture a crude atom bomb.” Mike Whitney of OpEdNews sums explains, “Oil is denominated in dollars and sold on either the NYMEX or London’s International Petroleum Exchange, both owned by Americans. This forces the central banks around the world to maintain huge stockpiles of dollars even though the dollar is currently underwritten by $8 trillion of debt. America’s currency monopoly is the perfect pyramid-scheme. As long as nations are forced to buy oil in dollars, the United States can continue its profligate spending with impunity.” Al Jazeera remarked, “Military operation against Iran relates to the unpublicized but real challenge to U.S. dollar supremacy from the euro as an alternative oil transaction currency.”

Aborting the Tehran Oil Bourse with international sanctions that freeze Iran’s overseas economic activity might be a more important reason for America's rush to the Security Council than Iran's attempts to construct an atomic bomb or its anti-Semitic drivel. Finally it all comes down to believing Bush, Cheney and Blair again. Certainly with their record, all alternative interpretations should also be given a careful hearing. David Seaton


David Seaton's Energy Links®

Iraq's oil industry a long way from recovery - Reuters
Sabotage and storms have demolished Iraqi hopes of lifting oil exports from their lowest level since the U.S.-led invasion and highlighted the scale of the challenge facing a new government and oil minister. Insurgents blew up pipelines from Iraq's northern fields on Wednesday, halting the flow of oil to Turkey. On Thursday high winds and swells stopped loadings in the south. That means another month of exports grinding along near one million barrels per day, robbing Iraq, which sits on the world's third biggest oil reserves, of badly needed revenue to rebuild. "We were hoping to improve the rate (of exports) to 1.3 million bpd this month, but that is out of the question now," a senior Iraqi oil official told Reuters. Poor security has left oil workers and facilities vulnerable to attack. There is little or no strategic planning, investment is scarce and much of Iraq's infrastructure is old and damaged. These are the challenges facing the minister who will take on the job for a full four-year term following last month's parliamentary election. Confusing the picture is a new constitution that hands power over oil to emergent regions with a sectarian or ethnic bias that may be at odds with the government in Baghdad. Many parties have their eyes on the oil portfolio in talks on a grand coalition. Whoever succeeds knows it will not be an easy mission. "The new minister will have a lot to do; the sector needs somebody to get it out of a bad situation," Shamkhi Faraj, Director General of Economics and Oil Marketing for state oil marketing agency SOMO told Reuters. Northern exports have been all but idle for months due to repeated attacks. Delays in restoring the much-sabotaged network has forced Iraq to inject oil back into the ground. The south has been more secure but production there also faces problems. "The oil infrastructure in Iraq in general is old and fragile after years of neglect," a senior oil industry official said. "This will not change overnight, it will need a lot of money and hard work." Repeated sabotage -- combined with poor project management and political instability -- has hampered Iraq in its aim of raising output to three million bpd, a level last seen in 1990. "Everything depends on the political and security stability in the country, a new set of laws to protect investment, and also managing exports by, for example, renewing the pipeline to Saudi Arabia and building one to Kuwait," said analyst Mustafa al-Ani at the Gulf Research Center. Forecasts for higher output have been regularly missed since the 2003 U.S.-led war due to a delay in projects to repair oil facilities following decades of economic sanctions and wars. The next four years will be challenging for the minister. "Iraq needs to modernize refineries, add new units, a lot of refineries need upgrading -- it is the best solution for the next four years," said former head of SOMO Diaa al-Bakaa. Oil multinationals are waiting until a new investment code is in place before pumping cash into Iraq. International oil firms are eyeing its giant and largely underdeveloped oilfields. The new parliament is expected to pass new investment laws. But defusing the insurgency among Sunni Arabs and dampening down violence across the country is vital: "No minister could perform perfectly when there is no security; it is very important to have security stability as well," Bakaa said. "The minister will not have a magic wand. The problems are a combination of many things, it ranges from providing proper security situation to investment," he said. "The whole sector needs planning, determination and money to improve it." Some analysts said Iraq's oil industry would need at least $20 billion. "The whole economy is based on oil and production reflects stability. There is no production without stability and vice versa," said Alani. Analysts say that the newly passed constitution, which dilutes central government's authority over the oil sector, has raised concern that oil deals will become even more difficult to negotiate. "The other problem is the constitution and giving power to regions. The minister will have reduced powers, he will share his powers with other regional governors. This will not make the big oil companies happy," said Alani. "The picture now looks cloudy."
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Energy gap: Crisis for humanity? - BBC News
It is perhaps too early to talk of an energy "crisis". But take your pick from terms like "serious concern" and "major issue" and you will not be far from the positions which analysts are increasingly adopting. The reason for their concern can be found in a set of factors which are pulling in glaringly different directions:
  • Demand for energy, in all its forms, is rising
  • Supplies of key fuels - notably oil and gas - show signs of decline
  • Mainstream climate science suggests that reducing greenhouse gas emissions within two decades would be a prudent thing to do
  • Meanwhile the Earth's population continues to rise, with the majority of its six billion people hankering after a richer lifestyle - which means a greater consumption of energy.
Underlying the growing concern is the relentless pursuit of economic growth, which historically has been tied to energy consumption as closely as a horse is tethered to its cart. It is a vehicle which cannot continue to speed up indefinitely; it must at some point hit a barrier, of finite supply, unfeasibly high prices or abrupt climate change. The immediate question is whether the crash comes soon, or whether humanity has time to plan a comfortable way out. Even if it can, the planning is not necessarily going to be easy, or result in cheap solutions. Every energy source has its downside; there is no free lunch, wherever you look on the menu. The International Energy Agency (IEA) predicts a rise in global energy demand of 50-60% by 2030. If all else remained equal, that rising demand would be accommodated principally by fossil fuels, which have generally been the cheapest and most convenient available. But oil supplies show signs of running down; this, combined with concerns about rising demand and political instability, conspired to force prices up from $40 a barrel at the beginning of 2005 to $60 at its close. There is more oil out there, for sure; but the size of proven reserves is uncertain, with oil-producing countries and companies prone to exaggerate the size of their stocks. Currently uneconomic sources such as tar sands could be exploited; but at what cost? Natural gas stocks - in recent times the fuel of choice for electricity generation are also showing signs of depletion, and there is growing concern in Western capitals about the political instability associated with oil and gas supplies from the Middle East and Russia. Coal, the fuel of the industrial revolution, remains relatively abundant; but here the climate issue raises its provocative head most volubly, because of all fuels, coal produces more greenhouse gas emissions for the energy it gives. Based partly on the predicted availability of cheap coal, the IEA forecasts a 50% rise in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. Mainstream climate science, meanwhile, indicates that to avoid dangerous consequences of climate change, emissions should fall, not rise, by 50%. The economic and environmental horses are clearly pulling in mutually incompatible directions. It is a rare human that dons a hair shirt voluntarily; and in seeking to deal with climate change, we are, it seems, behaving to type. It took the world's most comfortably-off nations more than seven years to bring the Kyoto Protocol into force following its signing in 1997. An alternative "climate pact", the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate, emerged last year contending that technology alone would solve global warming. It recently concluded its first ministerial meeting by endorsing projections that under its aegis, emissions will at least double by 2050; economic growth is sacrosanct, and so consumption of coal and other fossil fuels must also continue to rise. Concern over climate change, then, is not on a global basis proving to be a driver for clean technology or for reducing demand for energy. Price barriers Rising prices or simply constraints on supplies of fossil fuels could, however, bring other fuels into the equation; and nuclear fission is at the head of the queue. According to the World Nuclear Association, there are now about 440 commercial reactors in the world, providing 16% of its electricity; for major developing countries such as India and China, nuclear power remains both a significant part of the electricity mix and a close companion to military programmes. But concerns over waste have set other countries such as Germany on a determinedly non-nuclear path. Waste apart, nuclear faces another potential obstacle; stocks of uranium are finite. Analysts differ over how soon a uranium deficit might emerge; some believe that a significant ramping up of nuclear capacity would exhaust economic reserves on a timescale of decades. That could be extended by adopting "fast breeder" reactors, which create more fissile material as they go. Too good to be true? Perhaps, because there is a major downside; the creation of plutonium, with its attendant dangers of proliferation. The other nuclear technology, fusion, is full of hope but even its most ardent supporters admit it is decades away. Wind, waves and sunlight Most of the energy we use on Earth comes directly or indirectly from the Sun. It is the Sun which stirs winds and the great water cycle, depositing rain on highlands and creating the potential for hydro-electric power; it is the Sun's energy which grew plants which decayed to form the coal and oil that we have extracted so determinedly in our industrial age. Is it now time, then, to use its energy directly, to blanket the Earth in photo-voltaic cells and silently power humankind's future? Certainly it could be done, with energy to spare; but at costs up to five times that of coal and gas, it is not going to be soon. Wind, wave and tidal power are all fine technologies, but their potential is limited, not least by the fact that they do not generate continuously. That could be overcome by storing energy. But there are few realistic ways of doing it; and the additional cost would quickly negate any advantage these technologies currently possess. Hydrogen, meanwhile, is touted as the great climate-friendly hope. But hydrogen is just a carrier of energy. It must be created, for example by using electricity to split water molecules, in which case replacing petrol-driven cars with hydrogen vehicles would vastly increase the global demand for electricity. No free lunch, indeed - but a desperately tortuous and risk-laden menu and a kitchen where political or environmental fires could flare up at any moment.
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Rising Oil Prices Skirt Poorer Nations - Asian Tribune
Contrary to expectations, the sharp increase in world oil prices has not had any devastating consequences on the fragile economies of the world's developing nations, according to a new U.N. report released here. "Oil prices are expected to remain high in the near term, and the impact on growth and inflation will vary from country to country," says the 160-page study on the "World Economic Situation and Prospects 2005". The price of a barrel of crude oil, which averaged 20 dollars through most of the 1990s, hit 64 dollars last week but is expected to stabilize around 60 dollars per barrel this year. With international oil prices about 42 percent higher than in 2004 on average, the combined oil export revenues of energy-rich Middle Eastern nations are estimated to have reached a hefty 300 billion dollars in 2005, according to the report. The projected figure for 2006 "is expected to stay at roughly similar levels", although the U.S. Department of Energy has predicted revenues to reach a record 522 billion dollars this year, further strengthening the incomes of oil-blessed economies. Asked why most developing nations aren't complaining about the impact of high oil prices -- at least, as bitterly as they did in the 1970s -- Rob Vos, director of development policy and analysis at the U.N.'s Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), says that many are currently benefiting from the higher oil prices. They are benefiting "either because they are net oil exporters or because also non-oil commodity prices are up and prices for many of the products they import are down. So many have gained," Vos told IPS. High growth rates in much of the developing world to a large extent are explained by their buoyant export prices, he added. As the new U.N. report also explains, many oil importers are feeling a bit more of a strain as oil prices stay up and the subsidies many governments in developing countries put on domestic energy prices are more difficult to finance, so more of the oil price increase is passed on to consumers and is increasing production costs. "So, we expect that during 2006 there will be more complaints about high oil prices from groups of countries," Vos said. The 160-page annual report points out that there are, however, a number of downside risks to economic growth in 2006. A prolonged high oil price over the next one to two years will have a stronger inflationary impact on most African economies. Despite the higher oil prices, however, many countries have registered terms-of-trade gains owing to increased commodity prices -- particularly minerals and base metals -- and lower prices of imported manufactures, thus offsetting inflationary pressures until recently. Although the report says that higher oil prices are taking a greater toll on oil-importing countries, many of these countries have adopted measures to protect domestic consumers by introducing or strengthening energy price controls and subsidies. Taking a broader view, the study says that world economic growth slowed noticeably in 2005 from the strong expansion in 2004. The world economy is expected to continue to grow at this more moderate pace of about three percent during 2006. This rate of growth is the same as the average of the past decade. According to the report, the U.S. economy remains the main engine of global economic growth, but the dynamic growth of China and India, and a few other large developing economies, is "becoming increasingly important". Still, economic growth slowed down in most of the developed economies during 2005, with no recovery expected in 2006. Growth will moderate further to 3.1 percent in the United States, while "lacklustre performance" will still prevail in Europe, with growth reaching a meagre 2.1 percent in 2006. The recovery in Japan is expected to continue but at a very modest pace of about two percent. At the same time, economic growth in most parts of the developing world and the economies in transition (former Eastern European countries and ex-Soviet republics) is well above the world average. On average, says the report, developing economies are expected to expand at a rate of 5.6 percent and the economies in transition at 5.9 percent, "despite the fact that these economies may face larger challenges during 2006". While China and India are by far the most dynamic economies, the rest of East and South Asia is expected to grow by more than five percent. Latin America, on the other hand, is lagging somewhat behind, with growth of about 3.9 percent. But African economic growth is expected to remain above five percent. Even if these record levels are sustained, the report argues, per capita growth is still not strong enough in many of these countries to make sufficient progress towards the eradication of extreme poverty by 2015. The study is a collaborative effort by the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the U.N.'s five regional commissions covering Asia, Africa, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Western Asia (the Middle East).
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Saudi visit underscores China's growing dependence on Mideast oil - San Jose Mercury
China is moving quickly to secure its energy ties with Persian Gulf states, signing an oil deal with Saudi Arabia and offering its king red-carpet treatment. Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz on Tuesday met Premier Wen Jiabao and China's No. 2 leader, Wu Bangguo, in a visit that underlined China's increasing reliance on Persian Gulf oil and its growing involvement in Middle East politics. China offered only sketchy details of five Sino-Saudi agreements signed a day earlier. Saudi Arabia, China's top foreign oil source, supplies 14 percent of China's oil imports. China is increasingly at loggerheads with Washington on Middle East politics as its soaring appetite for crude oil draws it deeper into the region. King Abdullah's visit overlapped in Beijing with the arrival of Robert B. Zoellick, the U.S. deputy secretary of state, who cautioned that China might find its future energy security in peril by supporting Iran. Iran hasn't fully answered international inspectors' questions about its nuclear program, raising concerns that it's secretly developing nuclear weapons. Earlier this month, Iran ended a freeze on work on uranium enrichment, a method that produces fuel for both civilian power plants and nuclear warheads. Iran claims its nuclear program is for energy only. Britain, France and Germany, backed by the United States, intend to push a Feb. 2 emergency meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency's board of governors to send the matter to the U.N. Security Council, which has the power to slap economic sanctions on Iran. But China, which purchases large quantities of oil from Iran and has other commercial interests there, has joined Russia in resisting the move. China and Russia are permanent members of the Security Council. Zoellick, who met with Premier Wen on Tuesday, said the Iran nuclear issue "is obviously a very important dimension of our work in China right now." Iran supplies China with about 12 percent of its oil imports. Chinese companies have major oil investments in Iran, and Beijing has offered diplomatic protection in return, forestalling efforts to consider U.N. sanctions on Iran over its nuclear program. Zoellick said that if Iran proceeds with development of a nuclear program, it "would be not good for energy security in an important part of the world." Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong Quan said China is "conscientiously studying" a draft proposal from Britain, Germany and France to threaten Iran with sanctions for its nuclear activities. But he added that China still believes "diplomacy remains a good choice to resolve the Iranian question." Since the beginning of the decade, China has signed hundreds of investment deals with Persian Gulf states and pushed its companies to set up in the region. Many Arab oil emirates look kindly on China's growing energy appetite, viewing economic relations with Beijing as less cumbersome than those with Washington. "China is not in favor of democracy being pushed down the throats of countries in the region," said N. Janardhan, a political analyst at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Janardhan said the Persian Gulf states all embrace a "Look East" program to enhance oil exports to rising powers in Asia, primarily India and China. One of the five agreements signed by China and Saudi Arabia on Monday dealt with cooperation in oil, natural gas and mineral deposits, China's state-run television news reported. Other accords dealt with trade, loans, professional training and Saudi pledges to develop Aksu, a Muslim city in far western China. No details were available. Asked about the energy cooperation accord, Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong said he had "no knowledge of the details of the agreement." King Abdullah stressed in high-level meetings that warming Sino-Saudi ties compelled him to become the first Saudi monarch ever to come to China. "We view China as a truly friendly nation. That's why I made China my first stop on my first overseas visit," the king told Wu on Tuesday afternoon before flying on to India. The Saudi ambassador-designate to Beijing, Saleh Alhegeian, pledged Riyadh's "powerful backing of China" in energy supplies, the state-run Xinhua News Agency said.
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Oil Wealth in Niger Delta Triggers More Tension - Voice of America
There has been a string of attacks on several oil companies operating in Nigeria's southern Delta region, including the recent abduction of four foreign employees working as sub-contractors for Royal-Dutch Shell. The recent attacks merely highlight decades of tension between ordinary people, the government and huge multi-national companies that have turned Nigeria into Africa's biggest producer of crude oil. The vast quantities of oil in the southern Niger Delta have not brought stability and prosperity to the people who live there. Despite the resources that are pumped daily from the Gulf of Guinea off the coast of Nigeria, Delta locals have seen little of evidence of it. Antony Goldman, an Africa analyst for Clearwater Research services, who has spent a lot of time in the Delta, says many people are not satisfied. "In the Delta people have complained that not enough resources from the oil sector are going back to the region, they're saying states should have more of a proportion of oil revenue than is presently the case," said Mr. Goldman. "But what is true certainly is that what money has gone into the delta, there have been serious issues about how that money has been spent." Oil revenues have not translated into the basics that villages throughout the region desperately need, such as schools, water pumps, paved roads and hospitals. For years, as barrel after barrel of highly valued crude has been exported from Nigeria, tensions have turned to violence, with armed ethnic groups demanding what they consider to be their fair share. Their tactics include abducting oil workers, seizing control of oil platforms and stealing oil from pipelines -- locally known as "bunkering" -- to sell on the black market. According to Tunde Martins, a public affairs analyst and former journalist, many of those who turn to violence in the Delta are not acting on behalf of ordinary Nigerians. "The money cannot get to the poorest of the poor in the sense that these demands are not organized," he said. "It is the spur of the moment as each group decides this is the time: we are cash strapped and they decide to hold the oil workers hostage and make demands for financial ransom. They are not especially militants fighting for the rights of their people. They are a bunch of thugs and they are not using this cash to develop their communities for their people. " The current crisis involves a group, which calls itself the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta. The militants are holding four foreign oil workers hostage, demanding the release of an ethnic Ijaw separatist leader, who is facing treason charges, and the former governor of Bayelsa state, accused of corruption and money laundering. The group is also demanding one and one-half billion dollars from Shell, accusing the company of polluting the region. A Shell spokesman declined to be interviewed for this report. When attacks on oil installations or fighting erupt in the Delta, the Nigerian government often deploys security forces to quell the violence. But, Ulrika Sandberg, a researcher in the Africa program for the international human rights watchdog group, Amnesty International, says in many cases they end up abusing human rights in the process. "And in many of these cases, the security forces are using excessive force," she said. "For example, in February last year, we reported on two cases in which the security forces used excessive force. And in one case, at least 17 people were killed in a raid when they tried to arrest one or two criminals." She accuses Nigerian security forces of acting with impunity, adding that while federal officials conduct investigations into such incidents, they rarely bring those responsible to justice. Sandberg, who has met with locals, activists, security forces and others in the Delta, says the crisis in the region remains, despite the end of military rule in 1999. She says oil plays a key role. "We see a situation where we still have injustice, violence and human rights abuses committed in the area where oil is being extracted and produced," said Ms. Sandberg. "And, of course, oil is part of the equation of why there is such high tensions and a high level of violence in the Delta." But public affairs analyst Tunde Martins says there has been progress. He says the Nigerian government and oil companies have been trying to compensate villagers. "They may not have been able to meet all the needs of the demands of the host communities but it is on record that the Nigerian government has been meeting their needs through the Niger Delta Development Corporation, which was set up to provide social amenities and facilities for the people of the Niger Delta," he said. "And it is also on record that the multi-national oil companies have been giving out both cash and other humanitarian things to the community." Analyst Antony Goldman says current attempts to address the concerns of impoverished communities are still far less than needed. He points out that oil companies themselves have admitted that past projects have fostered even more violence as diverse ethnic groups compete for development money. In light of this, Mr. Goldman says there is a new awareness among oil companies that they need to find more productive ways to deal with the problem. "There's nothing altruistic here. I think that what companies have begun to realize is that if they're looking to protect the medium and long-term interests of their shareholders, they need to find a more effective way of operating in the Niger Delta," said Mr. Goldman. "And what that means is, that they need to find a way of engaging with the kind of people or factions or communities that have been making their lives so difficult in terms of targeting installations, stealing their products and threatening their employees." That point is hitting home. The recent attacks in the Delta region have cut Nigeria's oil output by an estimated eight to 10 percent.
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Oil production fears fuel grim economic warnings - The New Zealand Herald
As the oil price nudged above $64 a barrel this month on heightened concerns about disruption to supplies from Iran and Nigeria, a group of geologists, economists and commodity traders met in London to consider a more fundamental question: when will the world begin to run out of oil? That moment is known as "peak oil" - the point at which production stops increasing and goes into inexorable decline. Some commentators believe that moment may be as little as two years away, some reckon we do not need to worry for another 20 years and some think the peak of production is so far in the distance that it is pointless to even try to put a timescale on it. But one thing that is agreed on is that when peak oil does happen, its impact on the world economy - and the consumer lifestyles so many of us take for granted - will be profound. Chris Skrebowski, editor of the Energy Institute's Petroleum Review, believes peak oil will occur in 2008, at which point the world will move into "a land without maps where we are all likely to be poorer". For oil is essential to almost everything we do - 90 per cent of world transport is oil-dependent; all petrochemicals are produced from oil; 99 per cent of our food relies on oil in some way; and 95 per cent of lubricants are oil-based. And, in many cases, oil is not easily replaceable. There are no realistic alternatives to oil for fuelling aircraft and ships, producing petrochemicals or powering cars, without huge investments in technology such as hydrogen. Given that world oil consumption has doubled since 1970 from 42 million barrels a day to 84 million, that poses a stark challenge. At present rates of depletion, five million barrels a day of new production will need to be brought on stream for the next 10 years just to keep world output rising. The peak oil debate tends to divide into two camps. On the one hand there are geologists who argue it is almost upon us, based on analysing past production and discovery rates and field exhaustion and extrapolating into the future. On the other hand there are economists, political scientists and the oil majors who believe that oil producers - be they governments or companies - will always find a way to meet demand, whether through cleverer ways of finding and extracting oil or greater fiscal incentives to discover and produce more. The conference in London, organised by the Dutch investment bank Insinger de Beaufort, represented both strands of opinion. Skrebowski says that the world's big five oil majors all produced less last year than they did in 2004 while North Sea oil production is declining so rapidly that it will halve in the next seven years. According to the University of Reading's Dr Roger Bentley, secretary of the Association for the Study of Peak Oil & Gas, the evidence is irrefutable. He points out that 64 of the world's 100 or so oil-producing countries are past the point of peak production and on the downward slope. Although there may be a "mini-glut" as output is stepped up from Russia, the Caspian and Iraq and new sources come on stream such as deepwater oil and oil sands, the trend, he says, is unmistakable. Bentley believes that non-Opec production will reach a peak within the next 30 months and global output will start to decline between 2010 and 2015 or 2020 at the latest. "Alongside global warming, this is one of the two extraordinary challenges facing mankind," he says. "The numbers may slip a little but the fundamental underlying direction does not change." Dr Jeremy Leggett, an oil industry geologist turned environmental campaigner turned chief executive of a solar energy company, paints an even more apocalyptic scene. He believes that peak oil will occur some time this decade. That will not only produce "horrible economic pain" as oil prices rise to choke off demand but it will also precipitate environmental disaster as oil-consuming countries switch to coal and hasten global warming. "The shortfall between current expectations of oil supply and actual availability will be such that neither gas, nor renewables, nor liquids from gas and coal, nor nuclear, nor any combination thereof will be able to plug the gap in time to head off economic trauma," he warns. What is his evidence? Dr Leggett points to the lessons of history. In 1956, a world-renowned geologist, M.K. Hubbert, predicted that US oil production would peak in 1971, much to the disbelief of almost everyone, including his employer, Shell. He turned out to be wrong - peak production occurred a year earlier in 1970. Using the same methodology, the "Hubbert curve" falls smoothly to this day, pointing to a peak some time between 2005 and 2010. Despite the ingenuity of the oil industry in extracting oil from ever more hostile environments, it is, adds Dr Leggett, a quarter of a century since the world discovered more oil in one year than it produced. Six years ago there were 16 discoveries of giant fields containing 500 million barrels or more - in 2003 there were none. Not all those attending the conference are sold on the idea of peak oil. Mike Lynch, an adviser to the US Government who runs his own energy and economic research consultancy, is one sceptic. He says that the study of peak oil is not a science and that those who advocate it are guilty of naivety, ignorance and plain manipulation of the data. "There are a lot of zealots out there and a lot of claims are made which are not tested," he says. "It is true that oil is finite but since 1989 people have repeatedly predicted the peak too soon and have had to keep on increasing their estimate of reserves." Lynch is one of the few pundits who forecasts that oil prices will begin to ease, but as even he jokes: "I have predicted nine of the last two price decreases."
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Iraq's Oil Bust - Newsweek
Guarding the Fatah oil refinery used to be a pretty straightforward job. Insurgents hit the complex only sporadically, at night, and usually missed important targets. But by early last year, attackers were using rocket-propelled grenades, mortars and heavy machine guns in brazen daylight assaults. They seemed to know about everything and everybody in the refinery. Ambushes were common. "We were afraid to even take vacation and go home," says 26-year-old Saif Mohammed, an Iraqi security guard assigned to help protect the vast network of blackened pipes and smokestacks. "The people who worked with us used to tip off the fighters. They wanted to play both sides—to keep their jobs and be informants for the terrorists." When insurgents killed the man Mohammed shared duty with last April, then threatened Mohammed with the same, he quit. In the past year, there have been close to 20 large-scale assaults on or around Fatah, part of Iraq's largest oil-production complex in Bayji, deep in the Sunni Triangle northwest of Baghdad. Last month the Bayji site shut down completely for two weeks. It reopened with the New Year, but three days later insurgents pinned down a 60-truck fuel convoy there in an hourlong gun battle. Across the country, insurgents mount a major attack on oil facilities about once every three days, and the situation is getting worse. December was the third month in a row that Iraqi oil production went down, marking the lowest level of exports since the invasion. At a time when global supplies are stretched thin, the Iraqi oil bust helps keep world prices near record highs. Instead of looking forward to the prospect of their country standing on its own, after final results in polls to elect a new, permanent government were announced last week, Iraqis are now facing a massive oil and gas price hike designed to ease part of a crippling $120 billion debt. Only three years ago, before the United States led the invasion of Iraq, the Bush ad—ministration dreamed of liberating the country on the cheap. Billions in untapped oil reserves would pay for reconstruction and nation-building. But hundreds of billions of American tax dollars later, Iraq's oil still isn't flowing at prewar levels. And in a country where 90 percent of the government's $35 billion in revenues comes from petroleum, the old promise has come to seem a curse. "Some people wish we didn't have all this oil," says National Assembly Speaker Hajim al-Hassani, "because it has brought us all these problems." What happened? There's certainly no question that the Bush administration, heavily peopled with veterans of the oil industry, focused on the importance of petroleum to Iraq's economy. Even as the rest of Baghdad was left open to looters in April 2003, the Ministry of Oil was secured by U.S. troops. But no force was put in place to protect the pumps and pipes. Finally in August 2003, the Americans awarded $40 million to a private security firm for the training of 5,500 Iraqis. Largely drawn from Sunni tribes, the recruits were given one-year contracts to guard refineries and distribution hubs. But the contract was terminated as too expensive, say U.S. officials. Then the U.S. military took responsibility for the Oil Protection Force, but guards were never deployed to cover the 7,000 kilometers of pipelines, not even those vital for exports. Those pipelines soon became primary insurgent targets. When the U.S. Congress allocated $18.4 billion to Iraq's reconstruction, no money was earmarked for oil security, so the job went to regular Iraqi Army and police units. After the elections last January, the task of protecting the nation's most precious resource was shifted to the Oil Ministry. Then last summer, a new 4,000-man unit called the Strategic Infrastructure Battalions started training. But the SIBs quickly fell into bureaucratic cracks. "The ministers have had the hardest time figuring out who the SIBs even work for," says Brig. Gen. William H. McCoy, commander of the Army Corps of Engineers in Baghdad. As late as October, confusion at critical oil facilities like the Fatah site, where Saif Mohammed worked, left it vulnerable to at least one attack per week. The insurgents, meanwhile, are precise in their timing and ruthless in their choice of targets. They often wait for key repairs to be completed before attacking the same location, sometimes the day after the oil starts flowing. "We fix them and they just hit us again and again," says Iraqi Oil Minister Ibrahim Mohammed Bahar al-Aloum. Personnel are targeted, too. On Jan. 4, insurgents struck at the Oil Ministry itself, killing Director General Rahim Ali al-Sudani and his son. Washington has allocated $1.7 billion to finance oil reconstruction projects across the country, but of that, only $77 million worth has been completed. Al-Aloum says U.S. confusion and incompetence has kept the work tangled in red tape: "Most of these projects were supposed to be done last year. If U.S. money had been made available, Iraqis could have done the job faster." Yet the United States has recently made clear that it no longer wants to be the principle donor. Other foreign investors are biding their time, hoping some sort of peace can be restored. "Whichever way you look in the short term, it comes back to security," says Lawrence Eagles of the International Energy Agency in Paris. Under mounting pressure, Iraqi officials try to remain optimistic. Al-Aloum has decorated his living room with propaganda posters. with oil we realize our ambitions, says one of them. But for workers more worried about ambushes, such notions seem lost in a distant future.
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